Quoting Russell Coker (russell(a)coker.com.au):
On Monday, 19 March 2018 5:06:42 PM AEDT Rick Moen via
luv-talk wrote:
Quoting Russell Coker (russell(a)coker.com.au):
The common practice in Australian politics is to
have the "Deputy PM" be
someone who supports the PM but lacks the power to mount a credible
challenge.
Likewise in Westminster, if memory serves.
I've heard that the practice in China is similar. It's not an issue of the
local political process but of game theory strategy.
In the
case of Pence, I doubt that he would be likely to win a
Congressional popularity contest, it's possible that he would do worse
than Trump. Paul Ryan might not be the most likely, but he seems a much
better candidate.
You may already know this, but just to be clear: If the US
President dies
Oh yes. My point is that if you had Pence as Deputy PM under a system like
ours then I don't think he would have much chance at the top job.
cooperate in all matters in exchange for reduced
charges. Then,
with the underling wearing a wire and/or revealing all past
communications with peers and higher-ups, he pursues another persion
slightly higher up the food chain. As it happens, Pence was among other
things in full charge of the transition team coordinating the incoming
Administration's affairs between the election results and the
inauguration, so there is high likelihood that he was _deeply_ involved
in the Trump people's unlawful activities at that time, and possibly
also afterwards. All it would take for some damning evidence to emerge,
and Pence could be ruined.
If Mueller gets sufficient evidence on Trump to compell impeachment would he
keep working on making a case against Pence or would he just go for Trump?
If he is doing his job as Special Counsel, he will pursue goals dictated
_not_ by surrounding politics but rather by evidence and the pursuit of
justice that is his charge. As appointed by Deputy Attorney General Rod
Rosenstein, he was charged thus, in order to 'ensure a full and thorough
investigation of the Russian government's efforts to interfere in the
2016 presidential election':
The Special Counsel is authorized to conduct the investigation
confirmed by then-FBI Director James B. Comey in testimony before
he House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence on March 20,
2017, including
(i) any links and/or coordination between the Russian government
and individuals associated with the campaign of President Donald
Trump, and
(ii) any matters that arose or may arise directly from the
investigation, and
(iii) any other matters within the scope of 28 C.F.R. section
600.4(a).
See:
https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/05/17/us/politics/document-Robert-…
(Title 28 of the Code of Federal Regulations, section 600.4(a),
https://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/28/600.4 , appears to be
the Justice Department administrative regulation establishing the
powers and jurisdiction of a Special Counsel, to 'investigate and
prosecute federal crimes committed in the course of, and with intent to
interfere with, the Special Counsel's investigation, such as perjury,
obstruction of justice, destruction of evidence, and intimidation of
witnesses; and to conduct appeals arising out of the matter being
investigated and/or prosecuted'.)
Section (ii) of Mueller's authorisation is powerful and interesting,
empowering him to pursue _any_ apparent Federal crimes provided they
arise directly from his investigation of Russian interference and
coordination between Trump campaign staff / entourage and Russian
agents.
So, the Special Counsel is by design a sort of implacable Inspector
Javert, where he is not supposed to be constrained by political
objectives, only concerns of law enforcement. Mueller is a universally
respected former prosecutor and veteran FBI Director, as was James B.
Comey before him. (Like many, many top FBI people, both men are also
Republicans. One of the ironies of the present situation is that
political liberals have been heard to be putting their faith in the
integrity and independence of the FBI as a national domesic police
force, though a decade ago they might have been loadly skeptical on that
very point.)
Yes. Trump wouldn't want to shut him down unless
he expected
something to happen. ;)
The politics of that continues to be twisty indeed. This situation is
haunted by the memory of Nixon's Saturday Night Massacre firings during
Watergate in 1973, which in turn lead to Congress passing enabling
legislation for Special Prosecutors with strengthened protection so that
they could not be fired by the Executive Branch, but then even
Republicans conceded that Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr went
completely off the rails in his attempt to hound Bill Clinton on
something, anything, and the Special Prosecutor statute was allowed to
expire and not re-adopted.
So, the current situation is that, per Executive Branch regulations,
Mueller as Special Counsel, having been appointed and charged with his
duties by Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein after Attorney General
Jeff Sessions was so politically compromised that he was obliged to
recuse himself from all Trump/Russia matters, can be fired _only_ by Rod
Rosenstein, which Rosenstein has vowed will never be for any poliical
reason, unless one of two things happens:
1. The Toddler could at his options fire Rod Rosenstein, who, as an
Executive Branch employee with no special protection, serves at the
pleasure of the President. Or rather, The Toddler would direct
Rosenstein to fire Mueller, and if Mueller failed to comply could
fire Rosenstein. The Toddler would then turn to Rosenstein's own
deputy, Associate Attorney General Jesse Panuccio, and hold the same
'Would you like to keep your job?' conversation.
This was the chain of firings Nixon went through on Saturday, October
20, 1973, when Nixon ordered Attorney General Elliot Richardsonto fire
independent Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox (who Nixon found to be too
competent at pursuing the Watergate investigation). Rather than comply,
Richardson resigned. Nixon then ordered Deputy Attorney General William
Ruckelshaus to fire Cox. He also refused and resigned. Third on the
list was the Solicitor General of the United States, Robert Bork, as
acting head of the Justice Department. He (finally) complied. (This
was the Saturday Night Massacre.)
This all was enormously controversial and proved to any doubters that
Nixon was guilty. Moreover, a month later, a Federal District judge
ruled that Cox's firing was unlawful absent a finding of extraordinary
improprieties that was wholly absent. This in turn set the stage for
resumption of the investigation and the eventual returning of articles
of impeachment by the House Judiciary Commiteee (if memory serves),
followed by Nixon's resignation on the eve of of his certain impeachment
(indictment) by the full House.
This was the same Robert Bork later appointed by Reagan to the US
Supreme Court and grilled by House Democrats so severely that the
appointment was defeated.
2. The Toddler could unilaterally rescind the Executive Branch
regulations that assign supervision of Special Counsels to Rosenstein as
acting head of the Justice Department (given Sessions's recusal) -- and
then fire Mueller personally.
Either of these two tactics would then of course be subject to immediate
court challenge. As with the firing of Cox, judges might well find that
the actions had illicit purpose. Meanwhile, Congress and the American
people would also explode, and we would have endless fun.